In conjunction with the previous post, below is the rest of commentary for the questions:
Both Amy Chua in World on Fire and Paul Collier in Wars, Guns, and Votes, are critical of the way that the developed world has tried to build democracies in failed and fragile states. How do their opinions agree, how do they differ and how do their prescriptions mesh with the optimism of Larry Diamond in his book Spirit of Democracy?
So what are Chua’s and Collier’s solutions to the problems of implementing democracy in the developing world? What both suggest is to level the playing field for the poor populations in the face of the market dominant minorities and the corrupt politicians. The economic and political benefits of the ruling minority need to be spread evenly across the population, such as through income redistribution and welfare systems. But to get to a more level playing field, both Chua and Collier have their own versions on how to accomplish this feat.
Chua suggests that countries with MDMs need to utilize domestic government intervention in order to create policies that spread economic and political benefits to the population. Policies could include affirmative action programs and ethnic quotas in corporations and universities, such as was seen from Malaysia’s New Economic Policy in the 1970s. Domestic governments can also encourage (or force) MDMs to voluntarily contribute to society, including donating money for education reform, infrastructure, hospitals. This policy has had success with Indians in Kenya, who have helped create the University of Nairobi and have expanded employee benefits to include free healthcare and even corporate housing. Voluntary contributions will help the MDM’s public reputation and show that they work for the good of the public interest. In addition, Chua calls on Western governments to change foreign policy and stop propping up dictators based on economic and national security interests. The West needs to promote full-fledge democracy, not just elections, and remain supportive of these countries in their long transition to democracy, regardless of the interests the West has at stake.
Collier takes Chua’s argument a step further and advocates direct intervention from the West to implement democracy. (Chua never calls for direct intervention.) A military intervention can contain political violence in a country, at the same time promoting stability through security and accountability of government. In short, the West’s intervention in the bottom billion will establish democratic principles in the political system that would guarantee accountability and security. Collier is skeptical that democracy would not flourish otherwise, especially for those small, multiple identity countries which lack the political will to provide services to its citizens. These countries could create regional partnerships and cooperatives to lessen their economic burdens by pooling their resources, but this leads to disputes over who owns what and how profits are divided when combining resources. Therefore the West needs to step in to help the bottom billion reform to achieve economic prosperity. This can only be done through having accountable governments who provide security for their citizens.
What the intervention system would aim to accomplish is to educate politicians on how, in a democratic society, to acquire power and spend public money. How this intervention system would work is as follows: Bottom billion countries can opt-in to the system of intervention, thereby not imposing democracy on any country and dispelling any accusations of colonialism. The international community will commit to those countries entered in the pact that should a coup d’état occur, intervention will take place to restore the rightful government. This pact between the international community and governments oversees and guards the electoral process. By safeguarding the elected government, these politicians would be encouraged to build accountability with the public through their spending measures. Bottom billion countries subsidize 1/3 of their expenditures with foreign monetary aid; thus donors would put pressure on these governments to spend the money on economic development schemes as well as be transparent in their spending. Donors could also link their monetary contributions to the level of military spending, where for every dollar a country foregoes spending on the military, they would be rewarded financially. In sum, the international community would be the gatekeeper of the bottom billion in hopes that elections would become violence-free, military spending would be cut, and politicians would become accountable.
In comparison to Larry Diamond’s optimism of the flourishing of democracy world wide in Spirit of Democracy, both Chua and Collier have more sobering assessments of democracy and its progression. Where Diamond appreciates little successes as a step in the right direction, Chua and Collier believe that any previous democratic measure implemented in the developing world should not be counted as success because it has brought about violence. Systematic change is needed for any democratic development. Granted Diamond does not argue that those democratic measures present in the developing world equals success, but democracy and accountability can grow from them. Chua and Diamond are also in favor that a stronger, more accountable democracy can be built on what these countries already have, where Collier is more inclined to believe that because these are farce democracies, international intervention will help countries start anew. But all three authors agree that democracy will not be implemented overnight nor will it do so under a façade of democratic institutions. Democracy and its values, including fair rule of law, popular sovereignty, and leadership accountability can only be implemented and sustained through the right policies and external help.
To sustain the pro-democracy attitude of the developing world that Diamond references, Chua’s prescriptions to change government internally and have the West foment state-building via foreign policy are more inclined to do so. Her mechanisms of change, such as creating affirmative action programs, MDM contribution programs, and giving the population a stake in the economy, are more feasible for the success of democracy as the changes come from within. Suggesting the West alter foreign policy to be more consistent and democratic as a way to equally encourage all countries to go through the transition is also in line with Diamond’s philosophy. Collier’s call for intervention by the international community does not fall within Diamond’s own arsenal for democratic promotion; nevertheless its goal to bring accountability and security to the bottom billion optimizes the potential for democratic development. Specifically with peacekeeping, Collier has found that it reduces violence in post-conflict situations, which is a positive aspect for his initiative of intervention but also stabilizes a country fresh out of conflict.
Chua’s and Collier’s solutions are not similar, but the goal is similar – promote, implement, and sustain democracy. They appear to be cautiously optimistic that if their solutions are implemented, democracy would begin to flourish in the developing world. It would be gradual and incremental change, but so long there is improvement for the majority, then real progress will be made. Diamond would agree. The three authors are aware that elections do not equate to democracy and that no matter what improvements are made politically, there is no guarantee in eradicating poor practices, such as repressing freedom of speech or instigating nationalist movements against a minority. States that encompass the latter and do not follow the standards of Western democracy are not legitimate democratic governments, but usually ones who are corrupt, greedy, and power hungry. Throughout many countries of the developing world, honest and effective leadership is uncommon. Help is needed from the outside world, be it through foreign policy initiatives or intervention, to get the bottom billion on the right track to democracy.
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